Archive for February, 2010

Marriage Equality and Republican Support: What Does It Mean to Be Conservative?

Tuesday, February 2nd, 2010
Cindy McCain

In a highly bi-partisan nation such as the United States, it is easy to see how black-and-white, dualistic thinking might be inculcated into the minds of the people, and how it might form a fundamental—yet not necessarily intrinsic—component of the American ethos. Dualism objectively identifies an “other” to attack, it lacks the nuance which challenges tidily constructed categories, and it is easy to wrap one’s head around—and there are plenty who would argue that the minds of young Americans have been numbed by neglect on the part of the educational system, not to mention the inane distractions of popular culture. Consequently, the two opposing forces in question are ascribed their own exclusive characteristics. So it is with U.S. politics, in which Republicans are decidedly conservative, and Democrats, liberal—at least by American standards. It comes as a surprise to many, then, that Theodore B. Olson, the Republican lawyer who won Bush v. Gore in the 2000 U.S. presidential election, is fighting in federal court to overturn Proposition 8, the voter-approved initiative that banned gay marriage in California.

In a recent Newsweek article, Olson made the argument why marriage equality is a conservative concern—because it represents traditionally conservative values. As Olson himself notes, many members of his own party have expressed near-hostility towards the issue, possibly imagining the Supreme Court forcing ministers of every church, mosque, grove, and synagogue, from Christian to Muslim and beyond, to officiate at gay weddings (however, this seems like a far cry from reality considering constitutional protections for religious freedom). While this dissent within the Republican Party shows that the stereotypical conservative still exists, it also highlights the reality of the socially liberal Republican. In response to this backlash from his fellow conservatives against a civil rights issue which several European countries have long since handled, Olson argues, Many of my fellow conservatives have an almost knee-jerk hostility toward gay marriage. This does not make sense, because same-sex unions promote the values conservatives prize [ . . . ] Marriage requires thinking beyond one’s own needs. It transforms two individuals into a union based on shared aspirations, and in doing so establishes a formal investment in the well-being of society. The fact that individuals who happen to be gay want to share in this vital social institution is evidence that conservative ideals enjoy widespread acceptance. Conservatives should celebrate this, rather than lament it.

Such a surprisingly supportive attitude towards gay marriage certainly challenges dualistic preconceptions about the values of Republicans—for both conservatives and liberals. For Olson, to be conservative does not mean to cling blindly to outmoded, oppressive, irrational, and religiously dogmatic moral values, but to conserve those values which have consistently proved beneficial to society—and to support them in minority groups who would conserve them as well, even as these are embodied in a legally recognized wedding ceremony. Certainly, such an unexpected attitude is a relief for gay rights supporters, who have lately viewed Obama as more of a clever rhetorician than a true advocate, and Democrats as feeble and spineless.

In fact, Republican supporters of gay marriage seem to be popping up everywhere. In dissent from the opinion of her husband, 2008 Republican presidential candidate John McCain, Cindy McCain and their daughter, Meghan, showed their support for marriage equality by posing for NOH8, a photograph project by Adam Bouska and Jeff Parshley which campaigns against Proposition 8. Even in some traditionally authoritarian regimes which have sought to exterminate political or social outcasts, unexpected changes have taken place. In Cuba, where the Communist regime had been sending homosexuals to work camps as recently as the 1970s, niece of Fidel Castro and gay rights activist Mariela Castro “led hundreds of Cuban gays in a street dance [in Havana] Saturday to draw attention to gay rights on the island”. (If Olson, being thus far the lone male, affirms any stereotype, perhaps it is that women—even the Republicans and Communists among them—really are more liberal than men.)

Maybe Olson is right about conservative values, and maybe the wedding vows which lesbians and gay men exchange mark the same solemn declaration that, as Olson states, constitutes “one of the basic building blocks of our neighborhoods and [the American] nation”, and, increasingly, even a divine sacrament for the country’s vast number of pious church-goers. If Olson’s stance on the meaning of “holy matrimony” is valid, procreation is neither necessary nor sufficient to define the institution of marriage—for the human race is not in decline, and marriage is not a breeding program. For a “true” conservative, he suggests, marriage is far more than a soulless mechanism for propagation of the species; it is the fair distribution of rights among those who show the same love and companionship which make safe and happy communities. Of course, even if same-sex marriage did in some oblique, scarcely fathomable way affect heterosexual marriage, it would, from Olson’s perspective, be in exactly this way: not to undermine it, but to enrich it.

Images:
New York Times
NoH8 Campaign

Sources:
Newsweek
San Francisco Chronicle

    Tax Time: the IRS Fourteen Points

    Monday, February 1st, 2010

    Tax time approaches. In some of our past entries here at the ULCM blog, we have posed the question what really defines a church. While it has been extremely challenging for the U.S. federal government to constrain the definition of church so as to restrict the average person from becoming an ordained minister—especially through such unconventional organizations as the online church—the Internal Revenue Service has its own list of fourteen criteria which it adopted in De La Salle v. United States, and which it uses to determine whether a given organization may be classified as a church.

    The fourteen points which the IRS considers covers a wide range of notions, such as legal status, beliefs and practices, clerical activity, the characteristics of congregations and worship services, church government, and ministry education and training. While these general considerations may seem foggy and indefinite, the IRS has dissolved them into the following criteria:

    1. Distinct legal existence
    2. Recognized creed and form of worship
    3. Definite and distinct ecclesiastical government
    4. Formal code of doctrine and discipline
    5. Distinct religious history
    6. A membership not associated with any other church or denomination
    7. An organization of ordained ministers
    8. Ordained ministers selected after completing prescribed studies
    9. Literature of its own
    10. Established places of worship
    11. Regular congregations
    12. Regular religious services
    13. Sunday schools for religious instruction of the young
    14. Schools for the preparation of its ministers

    Of course, upon reviewing these points, the average ULCM minister may become distressed and ask herself whether her church meets such specific and restrictive criteria. The definiteness of the IRS Fourteen Points should not be cause for concern, however, since what defines a church cannot be restricted solely to these criteria, according to a scholarly analysis by Robert Louthian and Thomas Miller. As Louthian and Miller warn, “Given the variety of religious practice . . . attempts to use a dogmatic numerical approach might unconstitutionally favor established churches at the expense of newer, less traditional institutions”. This observation helps us understand that the Fourteen Points might show a bias toward well known, well established churches the rituals, creeds, and laws of which are in some manner more “quantifiable” than those of more nascent religions.

    Trying to quantify religion is a dicey issue and deserves scrutiny. Nevertheless, until this disconnect between the IRS Fourteen Points and the more liberal federal U.S. government’s stance toward the definition of religion is resolved, we at Universal Life Church Monastery like to err on the side of caution and advise our clergy to use the Fourteen Points as a guide for churches and non-profit organizations. Please keep in mind that this is a pragmatic recommendation, and not a theoretical endorsement of the arbitrary and discriminatory practices of the Fourteen Points.